John Eastman defends the President's authority to conduct surveillance of terrorist communications during time of war.
Liberal democracy will not sustain itself if it does not believe itself to be rationally defensible. Communitarianism and other attempts to "thicken" it that depart too far from individual rights are unnecessarily risky, writes Mark Blitz in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Neither romantic environmentalism nor postmodern pragmatism can redeem the legacy of the Progressives, writes Jean M. Yarbrough in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Benedict XVI is not simply a recognized scholar of the highest quality. He is an original thinker. The result is an inner consistency that marks all his writings, though each piece never fails to surprise with its freshness, originality, and depth, writes D. Vincent Twomey in the Fall 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Whatever their disagreements, Judaism and Christianity share their central belief: a single, omnipotent, and just God who created the universe and assigned moral duties to man, writes Joel Schwartz in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Ken Masugi continues his series of Advent interviews with political theorist James V. Schall, S.J. The conversation begins with considerations of natural disasters, Tolkien, and the study of theology, and then proceeds to discuss his new book, hell, Pope Benedict XVI, natural law, the Iraq war, and several other topics.
American health care is riddled with problems, including rising insurance costs and expensive public programs. The source of the problem, however, is not what many people assume, writes Dr. David Gratzer in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
John Adams may not have been lovable, but his contributions to the early republic were indispensable, writes Forrest McDonald in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
There are dozens of conservative think tanks in America, but the Claremont Institute differs, importantly, from all of them. We are the caretakers and teachers of the principles that gave birth to our great nation. Without a recovery of America's founding principles, there can be no lasting conservative victories in the battles over public policy.
Recommended reading for the season from Gerard Alexander, William J. Bennett, John C. Eastman, Brian Janiskee, John B. Kienker, Seth Leibsohn, Ken Masugi, Richard Samuelson, Bruce C. Sanborn, and Tom Karako.
John Eastman takes issue with the notion that the Constitution mandates citizenship for children of illegal immigrants.
American national identity—our creed, rooted in the principles of the Declaration of Independence, and sustained by our culture—is in a state of crisis, writes Charles R. Kesler in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Parents and professors alike could benefit from a guidebook that is free of the vast superstructure of 99% fact-free feminist theorizing about how sex differences are all just socially constructed, writes Steve Sailer in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Europe and America are politically kin, and when in the 1980s Ronald Reagan took his stands for markets and against the Soviets he found ready and stalwart allies in Margaret Thatcher, Helmut Kohl, and other indigenous conservatives. Yet all we hear of these days is the "exceptionalism of modern American conservatism." What happened to Europe, asks Gerard Alexander in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Our national interest is not served by halfhearted imperialism, but by unambiguous victory against our enemies that in turn secures the peace, writes Angelo M. Codevilla in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
With characteristic irony, postmodernism has served the religious cause by attempting to "de-center" philosophical inquiry, thus making it impossible for atheism, or anything else, to stake out the privileged territory of truth, writes Andrew Klavan in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Until recently it was widely assumed that the Republican Party is America's conservative
party, writes Adam Wolfson.
To mark the passing of the venerable Peter F. Drucker, we present an interview from our archives that reveals a man who was much more than the father of modern management.
What does Islam's spread in the West, and particularly in Europe, bode for the future? Two French intellectuals offer inadequate responses, writes Paul Marshall.
The rejection of the European constitution has killed the dream of a European superstate. What remains to be seen is whether—and which—European states will save themselves by recovering their own freedom, writes Jeremy Rabkin in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Alan Dershowitz likes to make claims for "rights," but he cannot explain why they are rightful, writes Hadley Arkes in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
It is one thing to delight in the fatuousness of the Left, but is a serious Left even possible, asks William Voegeli in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
As the nomination of Harriet Miers has demonstrated, President Bush's compassionate conservatism falls short of a true, conservative philosophy of governing, writes Charles R. Kesler in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
The nomination of Harriet Miers exposes the fault lines of disagreement within the conservative coalition, and appears to have boxed out one significant—perhaps the most significant—component of that coalition, writes John C. Eastman, director of the Claremont Institute's Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence.
Why does the Left so often abstain from defending not only American interests but, after September 11th, the United States itself, asks Mark Helprin in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Michael Oakeshott asserted that human judgments require the subordination of reality to ideas. Philosophy, in his view, analyzes the different types of understandings that serve to organize behavior and create a coherent reality. Different aspects of Oakeshott's political philosophy have made it possible for him to be read as a liberal, pragmatist, historicist, existentialist, or postmodernist, writes Robert Devigne in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Boosk
Is reasonableness synonymous with political liberalism, asks Stanley Rosen in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
From World War II down to the present, few scholars have had anything good to say about the Japanese relocation project. Why did we do it, asks Charles A. Lofgren in the Summer 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Miers may turn out to be a perfectly fine justice, but there is nothing in her record which would give us any basis to believe that. Ironically, by attempting to avoid the pitfalls of modern senatorial "advice and consent," President Bush has triggered more stringent scrutiny under the framers' understanding of that term as a check against the nomination of home-state cronies who lack the objective qualifications for the office. The Senate should therefore diligently exercise its check of advice and consent, writes Institute Fellow R. J. Pestritto.
Four centuries and four decades after his birth, William Shakespeare remains the most compelling literary and cultural presence in our language. But how did Shakespeare become Shakespeare, asks Mark Heberle in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
There's no reasoned argument behind the liberal elite vitriol for middle America, just a lot of hurt feelings, writes Kimberly Shankman.
The way race and identity issues are discussed on college campuses today baffles most Americans largely because the prevailing ideologies don't rest on any principled foundations, writes Conor Friedersdorf.
Will small religious colleges offering traditional curriculums be able to compete with the established Ivy League schools no longer serious about education, asks Travis Kavulla, a 2004 Publius Fellow of the Claremont Institute.
For a long time our universities have needed a talented, iconoclastic outsider to come along and give a full and brutally honest account of all their follies and excesses. Tom Wolfe's offering is brutally honest as far as it goes, but it is not quite, as we might have hoped, a Book in Full, writes Michael Anton in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
It is becoming clear that Justice Thomas's jurisprudential philosophy is more in line with the principles of our nation's founders, and hence with the Constitution they framed, than any other sitting Justice's is, writes John C. Eastman in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
During his 20 years on the High Bench, the gregarious, poker-playing, opera-loving, former University of Chicago law professor has emerged as the Court's most outspoken, high-profile, and personally colorful member, writes Ralph A. Rossum in the Summer 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
's recent special on 9/11 reflected the CIA's spin on the world. It was filled with conjecture based on bad sources, and a few outright falsehoods.
Would slavery have dies out on its own without a bloody Civil War? Not in the Deep South, writes Mark Guglielmo.
The demand for robust and efficient government is permanent, but the debate over how much nastiness it can mitigate is ongoing. It would be very surprising if the government's inadequate response, over a period of days, to a natural disaster affecting one region of this continental nation would affect this debate in a way that compares to the impact of a nationwide economic calamity that got worse and worse over a period of years, writes Institute Fellow William Voegeli.
A grievance culture has taken hold in the West, both in England and Americaand at exactly the wrong time. Where not long after 9/11 we were angry, we now have become sad, or depressed and confused; and too many have replaced our concept of evil with all manner of diagnoses of syndromes and root causes. We are at war, and yet we are indulging a culture of grievance, writes Claremont Institute Fellow William J. Bennett.
Benjamin Franklin has sometimes played the part of the founders' antislavery conscience in retellings of the founding story. The irony of this is that Franklin's position on slavery, taken over his whole life, or even the last years of his life, was not what it may appear, writes Steven Forde.
The 19th-century opponents of the American Founders' principles exhibited a single pulse of relativism and nihilism, which ultimately found its culmination in Progressivism's radical egalitarianism rather than slavery's volatile inegalitarianism, writes Scot J. Zentner
If we regard the preservation of our regime as our foremost foreign policy objective, we can expect that debates about the tools of intelligence, public diplomacy, counter-terrorism, preventive war, and much else will be as contentious for us as the founders' earlier debates about sanctions, navies, and armies, writes Karl Walling.
The most interesting and important debates over foreign policy within the United States often take place on the Right. And in that debate, the "realist" policy alternative is sure to find a prominent place. When it does, its advocates will no doubt look to Henry Kissinger, writes Colin Dueck.
A refusal to see any good at all in old progressivism makes it harder to put the real radicalism of today's Left in perspective, writes Andrew E. Busch.
Europe has more than enough technology, money, and soldiers to compete with America militarily. It chooses
not to, writes Gerard Alexander in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
The American Founders' impressive falling out during the 1790s continues to raise doubts among scholars about the wisdom of their earlier words and actions. What does this blossoming partisanship teach us about American self-government, asks John Zvesper.
If conservatives have in common a desire to "conserve" or restore something that they think has been lost with the onset of modern liberalism, they occasionally become confused about what it is, exactly, that ought to be restored. But if conservatives are to accomplish anything, they first must get straight what it is they want to conserve. This means going with the founders, not with Theodore Roosevelt, writes Institute Fellow R. J. Pestritto.
Several cultures came together to produce one common Western Civilization, but that does not make the cultures indistinguishable, writes Walter J. Nicgorski.
If you go in for a school of philosophy that will be entirely ignored 900 years down the road, it's best to complement it with a steamy love life so that at least the literature departments will pay attention to you, writes Sarah M. Bramwell in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
When reading and translating Petrarch, one must have an ear for theology and Scripture, not to mention Dante, writes Anthony Esolen in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Robert Alter's new translation of the Torah is a spiritual refreshment, and an intellectual and scholarly treat, writes Jaroslav Pelikan in the Summer 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
For the last half century, America has been developing a dramatic refutation of the thesis that capitalism drives out conservatism, writes Kenneth Minogue in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Christopher Hitchens could be on his way to establishing himself as an essayist of the same caliber as Orwell, writes Steven F. Hayward in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
For modern liberals, the idea of enduring discord is intolerable. Since we can find consensus at home, we must be able to find consensus in the world. And then, just as the boundary between government and private life at home can be erased, the boundary between one state and another in the world can be transcended, writes Jeremy Rabkin.
By 1790, at the age of 31, William Pitt the Younger was the greatest statesman in Europe, writes Barton Swaim.
In the attempt to spur human evolution through eugenics, religious and secular opinion has not always disagreed, writes Michael Toth in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
The lives of our children have worsened as increasing numbers of women have begun to work outside the home, writes F. Carolyn Graglia in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Perhaps the most overlooked aspect of last year's Pledge of Allegiance case, was the division it caused among three of the Supreme Court's more conservative judges, writes Vincent Phillip MuÃ±oz in the Summer 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Those who take the Constitution seriously all agree that judges must first consider the original intent of the men who framed and ratified the Constitution. But what exactly is the content of that original intent, asks Brian E. Birdnow.
The massive death and violence of the 20th century's wars may have had a widespread and debilitating effect on man's imagination, but current literary theory is too limited to understand this phenomenon, writes Daniel Sullivan.
Presidential rhetoric could be a good way to understand American identity, but not when it's analyzed through a narrow multicultural lens, writes Glen E. Thurow in in the Summer 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The Bush Doctrine addresses the inadequacies of conventional foreign policy wisdom in a post-9/11 world, though this new formulation may have problems of its own, writes Adam Wolfson in the Summer 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Ulysses S. Grant's character is inherently unattractive to modern historians. Yet, as president, Grant demonstrated that he was as courageous and steadfast as he had been in battle, writes Stephen K. Tootle.
In the years between Goldwater's defeat and Reagan's triumph, movement conservatives would find no refuge in Nixon's dream of a new Republican majority, writes William Rusher in the Summer 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
After victory in the Cold War and the death of many of conservatism's founding fathers, one senses on the Right not only a generational shift but also a growing distraction or inattentiveness, as though the campfires are burning down, writes Charles R. Kesler in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Gentleman, scholar, poet, and spy Paul Christopher manages repeatedly to save Western Civilization. Is it worth it, asks Douglas A. Jeffrey in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Ronald Reagan's 1976 presidential campaign, which is often given short shrift even by Reagan enthusiasts, laid the groundwork for 1980, writes Andrew E. Busch in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Considering the immensity of what was accomplished and the improbability of its occurrence, the success of modern conservatism is nothing short of remarkable. And much of its success would have been unthinkable without the inspiration, verve, and genius of Bill Buckley, writes Michael M. Uhlmann in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
After some barbecue and a dip in the pool, enjoy a good book this summer. A few recommendations from the Claremont Institute.
Within the last week, the United States Supreme Court dealt severe blows to two pillars of American Constitutional order, property rights and religion. The Court majority in both cases reached its desired result by partly ignoring and by partly twisting the clear meaning of the Constitution. These cases should be a clarion call to restore the authority of the Constitution to our laws and our government.
Seven scholars assess C.A. Tripp's The Intimate World of Abraham Lincoln
in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
. Featuring Michael Burlingame, Joan L. Flinspach, Lucas E. Morel, John Y. Simon, Edward Steers, Jr., and Daniel W. Stowell, with an introduction by Allen C. Guelzo.
For some time now American law in
general and constitutional law in particular
have been seriously out of whack.
Two linked historical developments explain
how this happened, writes Stephen B. Presser in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Even today it is widely believed that the unraveling of Communism was due to the arrival of Mikhail Gorbachev as Soviet party boss; that only marginally, if at all, did the evil empire's collapse result from revitalized U.S. resistance, writes Derek Leebaert.
It is only a small exaggeration to say that each of Martin Heidegger's works seems to be the key to his thought. For a reader attuned to Heidegger, every book is bracing and magnetic, writes Mark Blitz in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
The signs of erosion on our campuses are undeniable, but our academic leadership is not talking about a more competitive curriculum, higher standards of academic accomplishment, or the critical need freely to debate important issues. Instead, it remains obsessed with a racial, ideological, and sexual spoils system called "diversity," writes Victor Davis Hanson in the Summer 2005 Claremont Review of Books
In the great talk radio revolution of the 1990s, Paul Shanklin is an unsung hero, writes Alec Mouhibian.
For immigrants, cultural loss can often be the price of making it in America. But a strong ethnic identity can facilitate the creation of a strong American identity, writes Noah Pickus in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
We need sober and reasoned discussion about how best to cope with the consequences of falling birthrates, writes Mark Krikorian in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
The falsification of data on gun ownership by Michael Bellesiles. Plagiarism by popular historians Stephen Ambrose and Doris Kearns Goodwin. The classroom fabulations of Joseph J. Ellis. Is there a crisis in American history, asks Peter S. Onuf in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
An appreciation of the life and work of this revolutionary historian by Hans L. Eicholz in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
Within 100 years, Russia has drifted from Third Rome to Third International to Third World. In the upheavals of post-Soviet collapse, Russia pursues an often frightening quest for national identity, writes Joseph Tartakovsky in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
Certain of the mainstream media have suggested that by appointing officials who support his administration's policies, President Bush has demonstrated a troubling audacity. So whom did President Bush nominate to represent the United States in the United Nations Commission on Human Rights? Funny you should ask. He happens to be a friend of mine.
It seems that the Bush Administration has only just begun to think about the war we are in. Better late than never, writes Angelo M. Codevilla.
At a time when a variety of utopianisms have emerged with renewed force, it is useful to brood once more upon the rage emptied on the world by Stalin and his magnates. They, too, had the very best of intentions, writes Charles H. Fairbanks, Jr., in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
It is increasingly difficult for today's college students to understand exactly what was involved in American foreign policy debates prior to the end of the Cold War. They need to be reminded of how American Exceptionalism still connects power with policy, writes Sidney A. Pearson, Jr.
Bill Clinton's memoir is prolix, disorganized, and far longer than it needed to be. One
winds up asking of the book, as of the presidency, "Why could he not have done better?" writes Fred I. Greenstein in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
Whether Carter was our first pacifist president or simply a Guinness Book
narcissist is up for discussion. What seems beyond dispute is that Carter was the worst president of the modern era, writes Jonathan V. Last in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Capital punishment signals that there are some acts that are so morally heinous that they deserve the most serious punishment a society can inflict. But this does not mean that citizens should uncritically accept the practice
of capital punishment in those states that retain it, writes Christopher P. Manfredi.
Looking at the ideas that unified American constitutional law at the end of the 19th century gives a glimpse of a world in which the American university aimed not to undermine but to preserve and pass on the teachings of the American Founding, writes Eric R. Claeys in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Our differences should not be the source of bitterness
or resentment, but the recipe for genuine complementarity of the sexes, writes Christine Rosen in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
Academia has made Jews the canary in the coal mine in the sense that if universities are indicators of social trends, and anti-Semitism is becoming more acceptable there in the guise of anti-Zionism, then there is a problem society-wide, writes Asaf Romirowsky.
Deflating paleocon propaganda is easy, but what's really at stake is the conservative movement's success. As conservatives, we disgrace ourselves when we promote books that seek to discredit the principles of the American Founding, writes John B. Kienker in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Every teacher and parent who has sorted through the piles of American history textbooks published in the last 30 years will know what a rare occasion it is to find one bold enough to affirm the old-fashioned patriotic sentiments held dear by so many Americans, writes David J. Bobb in the Spring 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Born 90 years ago, Welles became a legend by turning the great works of art and literature into commentaries on himself, writes Thomas S. Hibbs.
The Senate's bitter dispute over whether to curb the filibuster brings to mind the most famous movie dramatization of a filibuster, in Frank Capra's Mr. Smith Goes to Washington
(1939), writes Spencer Warren. Mr. Smith
, however, like other movies for which Capra is well known, is about much more than a Senate filibuster.
Are the politico-religious doctrines that motivate today's religious terrorism the re-emergence of the same spiritual phenomenon that underlay fascism and Communism, asks Dougles E. Streusand in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Between the warring camps of "internationalists" and "imperialists," Jeremy Rabkin suggests a third path, one built upon the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, writes John Yoo in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
The Enlightenment is much more than the caricatures purveyed by its presumably more enlightened critics, writes Michael P. Zuckert in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
As to what Straussians think, what sort of work they do, what they understand themselves
to be defending, their attitude toward the insights of postmodern thinkers; on all these topics the errors pile up like snow in a blizzard, writes Clifford Orwin in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
Did the U.S. Constitution enact into law a sweeping and highly libertarian theory of natural rights and limited government, asks Nelson Lund in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books,
Friedrich Hayek was an influence
on Ronald Reagan and a substantial
influence on Margaret Thatcher, not to
mention on a legion of lesser lights in the conservative
and libertarian movements. In the
Soviet Bloc he was an inspiration to the oppressed
and, after the fall of Communism, a
guide along the road from serfdom. Given this
record, Hayek's name should be better known, writes Peter McNamara in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
The sages of Stockholm condemned Jorge Luis Borges for his political views. It did not seem to matter that he had been on the right side of the major struggles of the 20th century, writes Thomas Meaney in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
Rule of law was a common-law concept, not a political idea. It meant that the kingdom operated
by known rules and constructions of law, rather
than according to the arbitrary dictates of the
King or Parliament, writes Richard A. Samuelsin in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
The late Frederick Wilhelmsen used to say that
Catholic political philosophy is political philosophy
done by Catholics. In other words, if you
accept Christian revelation, you simply go about
philosophizing in light of its truths. You reason
about revelation. But is that still philosophy, or
has it been fatally polluted by an irrational faith
that is blindly accepted, asks Robert R. Reilly
Within a century of its founding, America outstripped the nations
of Europe to boast the world's highest per capita gross domestic product. In
the 1990s, the U.S. economy grew at twice the
rate of Europe's and three times that of Japan's.
Generations of scholars have pondered the genesis
of this American exceptionalism, writes Richard Vedder in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
As we ponder our limits as human beings,
it is doubtful that the passions that put us "out
of the mind" are either an adequate response to
our predicament or the deepest source of self-knowledge
about it, writes Susan Collins in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
The global spread of democracy suggests that the "promise of liberty," in Bush's phrase, is capable of being felt by men and women in almost every culture. But it does not prove that culture is irrelevant, writes Charles R. Kesler is the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
The sum of all secular wisdom, ancient and modern, can be found in some of Mark Twain's advice, writes Christopher Flannery in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
The New Deal was good politics, passable economics, and a masterpiece of catastrophe avoidance, writes Conrad Black in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
To think about globalization is to
think about its controversies. Its critics
see a set of beliefs and programs
aggressively promoted by globalizers. Most of
the latter, however, see only a natural process, writes Thomas Blau in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books
President Bush is endeavoring to redress the looming embarrassment of Social Security's obligation to pay more than it will take in. The argument about whether this shortfall constitutes a crisis, a problem, or a banana daiquiri is pointless. The gap must be closed. Yet few liberals of any stripe have come forward to applaud Bush's pragmatic, experimental social policy, writes William Voegeli in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
Both the man and his message are admirable. But Sharansky's interpretation of how freedom emerges simply cannot serve as the basis of our foreign policy, writes Gerard Alexander in the Spring 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The Claremont Institute offers a week-long seminar on the principles of the American Founding for civic-minded professionals who are working in the area of national public policy, and who seek the return of limited constitutional government. The 2005 seminar will run August 6-14 in Southern California. Applications are now available for download.
When the author of The Age of Jackson
(1945) publishes a book called War and the American Presidency
, the reader expects a tome that sheds light on the intellectual history of American foreign relations. What he gets is a screed for the 2004 presidential campaign, writes Angelo M. Codevilla in the Spring 2005 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
We are at a precipice, not only for constitutional law but also for thought itself. If developments continue apace, we will soon have no word to express the union of a man and woman, writes Bradley C.S. Watson in the Spring 2005 Claremont Review of Books.
The problem with relativists is that they always dismiss other people's beliefs, but spare their own moral preferences from their doctrine's scoffing. William Voegeli considers the knots into which some recent columnists have tied themselves on the much confused vocabulary of "values."
Anti-Americanism is a ubiquitous phenomenon, the closest thing in the contemporary world to a secular religion uniting intellectuals and demi-intellectuals across national boundaries and cultural frontiers, writes Daniel J. Mahoney in the Claremont Review of Books
The most striking fact about the American people's decisive answer to the question of gay marriage, is that it is emphatically the answer of the American people, not some faction or narrow majority of it, writes Paul J. Cella III.
The problem with the almost entirely irrational debate over France these last few years, as even a proud Francophobe such as myself has been forced to admit, is that no single country could ever be as wonderful or as terrible as France's boosters/detractors enjoy making her out to be, writes Shawn Macomber.
In America, the study of art as a historical discipline has expanded enormously in the last half-century, but this development does not necessarily reflect a growing love and understanding of art generally, writes Paul Johnson in the Claremont Review of Books
From the stands, you don't see the steroids, you can't hear the press conferences, and if you take your eyes off the jumbo-sized video screens and centerfield swimming pools long enough to take a peek at the field, you'll see a game that is still graceful and smart, writes Richard Kennedy.
Shakespeare has a way of bringing out the best in people, from actors to directors to stage designers, and this principle even seems to work for literary critics, writes Paul A. Cantor in the Claremont Review of Books
We are often confronted with the apparent paradox that strong government can be a necessary condition for the existence of a free society. Nowhere is this paradox more apparent than in the realm of freedom of expression, writes Benjamin Ginsberg.
Nathanial Hawthorne was enmeshed in politics every bit as much as he was engaged in literature and the literary life, writes Jay Martin in the Claremont Review of Books
Educational reformer, democratic intellectual, cosmopolitan individual and spiritualist, self-reliant sageRalph Waldo Emerson seems to offer something for everyone, writes Bryan-Paul Frost.
When Antonin Scalia and Stephen Breyer faced off for a friendly debate at American University earlier this year, their discussion provided a rare glimpse into the dueling philosophies brought to the fore by the recent Roper vs. Simmons
case, writes Alex Runner.
In the crisis of American nationality provoked by the slavery controversy, his holistic construction of the Declaration and the Constitution disposed him toward a right understanding of the nature of the Union, writes Herman Belz in the Claremont Review of Books
Washington's resoluteness, patience, and leadership during the Revolution ultimately made possible the American victory. But he also contributed decisively to our tradition of civilian control of the military, writes William Calhoun.
In his latest novel, a popular mainstream author ridicules left-wing political activism and challenges the intelligentsia's central ideas about civilization itself. Michael Crichton's State of Fear
may not be a great literary event, but it is a significant cultural event, writes S.T. Karnick.
While teaching both college and high school students, I have found nothing to electrify a classroom as much as the topic of chivalry, which I always introduce with the simple question, "Is chivalry dead?" writes Terrence O. Moore in the Claremont Review of Books
Purely secular formulations of a free society will fail to attract a groundswell of support in Islamic societies, given their vigorously religious outlook and theologically framed social organization, writes Randy Boyagoda.
At the National Museum of the American Indian, subjective personal narrative is privileged above factual evidence, and the deliberate myth-making of an active national revival trumps scholarship, writes Diana Muir.
Studying Alexander Hamilton shows that there is a distinctive American approach to foreign affairs which blends statesmanlike prudence with natural rights principles, writes Karl Walling in the Claremont Review of Books
It was in Shakespeare where Lincoln learned the lessons in statesmanship that he would use to protect and increase liberty; and where he would later find the solace that fortified his suffering soul during a long war, writes Dr. Michael Platt.
If there is a Western way of war, its path from the Greek hoplite to the American soldier remains at least partially obscured by history's mountains and valleys; hidden among the ideas, prayers, art, and actions of countless souls, writes Thomas A. Bruscino, Jr. in the Claremont Review of Books
The Claremont Institute offers a week-long seminar on the principles of the American Founding for civic-minded professionals who are working in the area of national public policy, and who seek the return of limited constitutional government. The 2005 seminar will run August 6-14 in Southern California. Applications are now available for download.
If those of us now in our forties can make it to 80, there's a good chance we will see a 120. This is not something one will want to take lightly when planning for retirement or considering the solvency of the social security trust fund, writes Kenneth Blanchard, Jr.
In 1928, Calvin Coolidge did not choose to run, he was not elected, he did not serve. Instead, he chose to do other things, among them to write his Autobiography
, writes Michael Platt.
Medicine is a genuine good that is truly beneficial to human life. However, as the ancients knew, knowledge of health can be used either to heal or to poison, writes Travis D. Smith.
Jews are loathed today in the West at least partly because they seem to stand in the way of the hope for a multicultural world order, writes Nasser Behnegar.
Contrary to the recent description of mainstream media practice made by Nicholas Lehmann, Dean of the Columbia School of Journalism, there may indeed be something to the popular distrust of it, writes Claremont Institute Fellow William Voegeli.
Christopher D. Levenick searches for a theory of order amid all the flux and complexity on modern American religion in the Claremont Review of Books
Neither a defense of the faith nor a handbook for Catholic living, George Weigel's Letters to a Young Catholic
may beguile at least some of the best youths away from the cult of Ecstasy and Puff Daddy and toward a way of life far more erotic and rational, writes Scott Walter in the Claremont Review of Books
Lincoln saw the reason and religion of men fall short in averting civil war. In a telling demonstration of pious statesmanship, he ironically used both reason and religion to deliver the lesson in his Second Inaugural address, writes Lucas E. Morel.
One of the great errors in the aftermath of World War II was to have enshrined France among the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, leaving no room for democracies of far greater importance to the world today, writes Arnold Beichman in the Claremont Review of Books
A right to arms wholly limited to organized militias makes no more theoretical or practical sense now than it would have two centuries ago, writes Daniel C. Palm.
When it comes to interpreting the Constitution, we are all originalists now, and we have Ronald Reagan to thank for it, writes George Thomas.
The President should be commended for opening up the discussion of Social Security reform. Nevertheless, writes Andrew Busch, there are a number of reasons that conservatives should think very carefully before jumping on the Bush Social Security bandwagon.
At a time when the United States once again faces an adversary intent on nothing less than its destruction, President Bush may correctly take his bearings from Lincoln, writes Mackubin Thomas Owens in the Claremont Review of Books
Today, 43 percent of Washington's revenue comes from the income tax. What started as a very limited levy has evolved into the federal government's main source of cash. Yet it is still America's wealthiest 5 percent who pick up most of the tab, write Scott W. Johnson and John H. Hinderaker in the March 2005 issue of The American Enterprise
Things keep getting better, but we keep feeling worse. Is there any cure for the "progress paradox," asks Michael Fumento.
With Bush's re-election "the neoconservative question" is ripe for debate, but this high-stakes debate should be as well-informed as possible, writes Gerard Alexander in the Claremont Review of Books
Since Redford's film so clearly reflects the spirit of Hollywood, it is a shame, for them at least, that the rules of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences excludes this loving and dishonest homage to a Marxist icon from consideration for Hollywood's highest honor, writes Glynn Custred.
By raising expectations—by making democracy appear as an easier conversion and way of life than it really is—our foreign policy risks not only the erosion of liberal and pro-democratic support abroad, but also at home a loss of public confidence in the whole war effort, writes Charles R. Kesler in the Claremont Review of Books
No one seriously argues that Taliban fighters in Afghanistan observed the laws of war in their own conduct. That is why the Pentagon has insisted that the prisoners at Guantanamo cannot be guaranteed all of the courtesies set out in the Geneva Convention, writes Jeremy Rabkin in the Claremont Review of Books
The 1876 election was not sordid proof of the need for Progressive refurbishment of American constitutionalism, writes James R. Stoner, Jr. in the .
Said's feat was to politicize the non-political. The classroom is the battleground, the lectern is the soapbox, and the instructor is a committed agent of social change, writes James Panero in the Claremont Review of Books.
A recurrent characteristic of modern Western culture is our evident need to bring together pairs of authors and to form linkages between them. Luther and Erasmus, Voltaire and Rousseau, Turgenev and Dostoyevsky, Sartre and Camus—in their time and continuously down to ours, "you can't have one without the other," writes Ricardo J. Quinones in the Claremont Review of Books
There are more English translations of the Bible than most church-going Christians may have imagined. How does one choose a reliable translation, asks Romanus Cessario in the Claremont Review of Books
Jeffrey Stout explains that democracy is hardly just a matter of philosophy, but a culture, riddled with complexities, tensions, and ambivalences that philosophy can distort rather than clarify, writes Jean Bethke Elshtain in the Claremont Review of Books
Do the marvels of the natural world, especially the great variety and complexity of living things, manifest the design of an intelligent being or merely the operation of unguided physical processes, of matter in motion following universal laws of nature, asks Joseph M. Bessette in the Claremont Review of Books
Plato is more important than he was a hundred years ago because the few who do read him take him seriously philosophically, not just culturally, and seek his (and Aristotle's) moral and political guidance, writes Mark Blitz in the Claremont Review of Books
The "ancient quarrel" between the philosophers and the poets is not a matter merely of form or "discourse": it concerns the character and meaning of human life and death, writes Catherine Zuckert in the Claremont Review of Books
Each of the news networks in its own way got to the heart of George W. Bush's second inaugural speech, writes John B. Kienker.
The Democrats' problem is not that they, like Seinfeld
, are a show about nothing. It's that they are a show about everything, or anything, writes William Voegeli in the Claremont Review of Books
President' Bush's Second Inaugural Address projects grand ambitions in both domestic and foreign policy, and represents an ambitious attempt to reverse the burdensome legacy of Franklin Roosevelt, writes Ken Masugi.
Despite the conventional wisdom, there are many reasons to believe that 2004 was more significant than Democrats or much of the media were willing to admit, writes Andrew E. Busch in the Claremont Review of Books
The president has a large, robust, and compelling agenda—a moral agenda—and an eminently achievable agenda, writes William J. Bennett in the Claremont Review of Books
Nicholson Baker sees himself as a literary innovator. In truth, he and Knopf are one terrorist act away from becoming the author and publisher of the Turner Diaries of the Left
, writes Mark W. Davis.
More and more, Chief Justice Rehnquist's love of precedent now immures him in liberal precedents, and his love of democracy blinds him to offenses against the Constitution that have received putative democratic benedictions, writes Charles R. Kesler in the Claremont Review of Books
Free society requires a certain kind of education, as Harvey C. Mansfield reminds us in the Claremont Review of Books
Expecting the French to act as responsible republican citizens and leaders could encourage them to do so. Expecting them to behave badly may well ensure that they will, writes John Zvesper in the Claremont Review of Books
Although affiliated with various denominations, the major American Founders did not typically hold to the beliefs officially espoused by their denominations. The key founders shared a common belief which might be called theistic rationalism
, writes Gregg Frazer.
In four years at UC Santa Barbara, I never once heard someone explain why Palestinian Arabs have no rights in Lebanon, but why in Israel they sit on the Supreme Court, serve as Ambassadors and lead parties in the Israeli parliament, writes Joey Tartakovsky.
Ken Masugi analyzes California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger's state of the state address, and finds it promising for the issue of budget reform.
Affirmative action is not only wrong, it also has the opposite of its intended effect on those whom it pretends to benefit, writes William Voegeli.
Civics was once at the center of American primary and secondary education. Integrating the study of politics, history, and economics, it sought to make students into good, patriotic citizensself-governing individuals able to understand and defend the principles of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. About a century ago, American civics education came under attack. Today, it is still on the run, but has not been altogether vanquished, writes David J. Bobb.
Protestations about the need for judicial restraint, then, have become the political norm as a consequence of decades of political and intellectual dissatisfaction. At the same time, judicial aggrandizement continues and, in many ways, expands, writes Robert F. Nagel in the Fall 2005 Claremont Review of Books
Debates over American immigration will not be serious until certain principles are understood and accepted by the American people and the policymakers they elect to office, writes Thomas L. Krannawitter.