Mao Zedong was the great hero and icon of much of the "New Left" of forty years ago much as Stalin was for its predecessor, the "Old Left" in the early to middle decades of the last century. Those who fell under the spell of these tyrants in their youth have rarely managed completely to rid themselves of visceral sympathies for them, and a sense that somehow those who pillory their erstwhile heroes don't quite understand, writes Arthur Waldon.
The Da Vinci Code
and modern Gnostics like Elaine Pagels just don't understand the the authentic Jesus, writes Michael Toth.
The clash of Greek morality (Sparta) and Greek philosophy (Dupont)—each represented weakly—is the theme of the Tom Wolfe's latest novel, I am Charlotte Simmons
, writes Ken Masugi.
The Catholic Church, which has labored for decades to preserve and promote the dignity of the person and the family, is threatened by the Democratic Party's dedication to policies that weaken families, kill unborn human beings, and manipulate human nature in the name of science, writes Dennis E. Teti.
Spencer Warren reviews four classic films both enjoyable and suitable for the whole family: Scaramouche
, El Cid
, The Yearling
, and The Adventures of Robin Hood
Recommended books for the season from John C. Eastman, Scott W. Johnson, Ken Masugi, Daniel C. Palm, Bruce C. Sanborn, and Thomas G. West.
It is three years and two elections after 9/11 without liberals having taken the new totalitarianism seriously. But for liberalism to become a fighting faith a second time is going to be even harder than some imagine, writes William Voegeli.
Institute Washington Fellow Bill Bennett discusses the profound effects of the internet, talk radio, and the "blogosphere" on current status of the media and political communication.
The crisis of American constitutionalism today turns on the interpretation of the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment. Since Brown v. Board of Education
in 1954, the jurisprudence of something called the "living constitution" has largely replaced the traditional jurisprudence of "original intent," writes Harry V. Jaffa.
President Bush exemplifies the American tradition of allowing convictions to influence the conduct of foreign relations. Because Prime Minister Tony Blair shares this view, he is a true ally. Because others do not, they are not, writes David Tucker.
Unable to produce soldiers that could fight and win, the Arab states allowed Yasser Arafat to sink the region into the nihilistic worship of death. Unfortunately, the rest of the world let Arafat, himself, meet his end from natural causes after a long career, writes Asaf Romirowsky.
Only a hearing-impaired political class could have convinced itself that the hatred of George Bush was so widely shared that it would suffice for a Democratic candidate to defeat him by merely not being him, writes William Voegeli.
In thinking about these measures, voters should remember the existence of a bureaucratic state that obscures and undermines the real purposes of government, writes Ken Masugi. Will these measures further its elimination or increase its power? That is the real choice next Tuesday.
A keen eye on the major national polls will render a decent estimate of where the race will end up in the Electoral College, writes Brian P. Janiskee.
The Beethoven look fits the Beethoven sound perfectly. Indomitable will, relentless energy, virile address are etched in his features as in his familiar music. It is by this noble head and this heroic style that he is known, especially to those who know little else about him, writes Algis Valiunas in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Two new books prove that the history of Howard Dean's quixotic campaign was, like all unpleasant histories, bound to be rewritten, writes Shawn Macomber.
Much attention has been devoted to the divisions among conservatives over what to do about immigration, but less to how it is a problem for liberals, writes William Voegeli.
Never forget that journalism is always political, whether or not its practitioners succumb to the more crude forms of partisanship, writes Richard Reeb.
Lee Harris's innovative and stimulating book risks being ignored precisely because it surpasses itself, and challenges its readers because it exceeds its most easily advertised arguments, writes Paul J. Cella III.
John B. Kienker offers an abridged version of the third Bush-Kerry presidential debate.
Statesmanship is a matter of orchestrating means to serve clear political objectives. It is an architectonic art, shaping not merely in institutions, but the character of peoples, writes Karl-Friedrich Walling in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Tocqueville did not expect to end his days in a stable French liberal democracy. Yet he never despaired of the possibility that one might exist in the future: to this end, he wrote The Old Regime and the Revolution
to tell the French just how and why they had lost their liberty, writes Delba Winthrop in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Thomas Jefferson continues to act as the mirror in which subsequent generations of Americans find reflected their most urgent political and moral concerns. For contemporary historians, that means an attraction to dark, secret places, where they can let their imaginations run wild, writes Jean M. Yarbrough in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Justice Samuel Freeman Miller wrote 616 majority opinions for the Supreme Court, but he is remembered almost exclusively for one of them: the Court's opinion in the Slaughterhouse Cases, writes Michael P. Zuckert in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Willmoore Kendall is a mixture of Rousseau, Locke, the Classics, The Federalist
, the Puritan tradition, the Southern Agrarians, and baseball. Put differently, he is an American, writes Steven D. Ealy and Gordon Lloyd in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
There is a difference between the argument that wise poets can translate philosophic considerations into the lives of memorable figures, and the argument that the poetic art, properly understood, is indistinguishable from philosophy, writes Pamela K. Jensen in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Although in the long run Nelson's actions certainly advanced the cause of liberal constitutionalism, Nelson himself was a politically conventional Englishman heartily devoted not only to king and country but to the idea of monarchy, writes Carnes Lord in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Rank and file citizens are directly affected by the consequences of massive legal and illegal immigration. America's elites, however, are increasingly insulated in residential and occupational enclaves, writes Frederick R. Lynch in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Meriwether Lewis and William Clark saw themselves playing an important role in a great struggle for the future of the continent, writes Peter S. Onuf in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
In the terror war we confront the new face of an old enemy, totalitarianism, writes Clifford Orwin the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Taken together, the five volumes of Joseph Frank's recently completed biography of Feodor Dostoevsky constitute one of the most stupendous accomplishments of American literary criticism of the past 25 years, writes Ricardo J. Quinones in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Conservatives usually did not want to remove Communist propaganda from libraries during the 1950s, but simply wanted anti-Communist authors well-represented, writes Sam Ratcliffe in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The terrorists and the government are now locked in a long battle, writes David Tucker in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Legal scholarship is still dominated by variants of legal realism, with its denial that there can or ought to be any essential distinction between judicial and legislative power, thus leaving current American debates about judicial power hopelessly muddled, writes Christopher Wolfe in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Admittedly, John Winthrop was a great man, but was he America's original Founding Father, asks Michael P. Zuckert in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
In the world of Lloyd Axworthy, the imaginary righteousness of Canadians is a counterweight to the real responsibility of Americans, writes Barry Cooper in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
If we cannot understand Progressivism, we have little hope of understanding ourselves and the place of our country in the world—or of equipping ourselves to play a constructive role in shaping its future, explains Eldon J. Eisenach in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Everything you read today by sports-writers about tournament tennis prior to 1968 and the subsequent dominance of big-money professional tennis is completely wrong, writes Jeffrey Hart in the Summer 2004 Claremont Review of Books.
Both science and religion seek truth, and both respond to human needs, writes Harvey C. Mansfield, in a sermon at Harvard University.
Debra Dickerson is furious at whites' actions past and present, but is aware that true black pride and uplift cannot wallow in idle score-settling and tantrums, writes John McWhorter in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
For theology as for the union, the slavery crisis was a decisive moment. But for theology, the result was disastrous, writes Wilson Carey McWilliams in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
If the United Nations had really been a guarantor of world peace, it would make sense to think of the San Francisco conference as the successor to the Philadelphia convention. But is there really so much consensus on fundamental questions that we would trust a world body to decide what is necessary for the United States, asks Jeremy Rabkin in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Leo Strauss's occasional statements and allusions to the detective and detective story provide useful clues to the reader intent on unraveling his teaching, writes Steven Lenzner in the Summer 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
In a time when modernity itself seems increasingly old-fashioned, it is remarkable to what extent contemporary academic debates on moral and political matters reflect the presence of Aristotle, observes Carnes Lord in the Summer 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Anti-Catholic Catholics like Wills profess to be more Catholic than the pope, but deny most of what divides Catholicism from our current culture, writes Robert Royal in the Summer 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Oliver Stone's critics have rightly fretted about his films' influence over generations to come, the less discerning of whom might actually take them to be true. But the Stone Zeitgeist
is also powerfully alive today in Washington, D.C., writes John H. Taylor in the Summer 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
A benefit of a polarizing election is that it tends to flush out those who try to camouflage their partisanship. Such seems to be the case this time around, for instance, with the editors of The University of California Press, writes Larry Peterman.
From Tiananmen Square to central Iraq, why is the image of this woman, first produced in 1886, so enduring?, asks Elliott Banfield in the Summer 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, translated by Joe Sachs; Aristotle: Nicomachean Ethics, edited by Roger Crisp; Nichomachean Ethics, by Aristotle, translated by Terence Irwin; and The Nichomachean Ethics, by Aristotle, translated by Sir David Ross, J.L. Ackrill, and J.O. Urmson.
Fifty years ago, Americans drove grandiose yet elegant automobiles. Today they drive trackless tanks, writes Martha A. Derthick in the Summer 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Properly understood, economics is not just a useful discipline, it is a noble one. It is concerned with promoting the highest aspirations of mankind—harmony, cooperation, tolerance, freedom, material prosperity, and human flourishing, writes Dwight R. Lee in the Summer 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Castro's Cuba is not unlike every absolute dictatorship throughout history. With this difference: Seldom has a totalitarian dictatorship been so beloved—or at least defended and excused—by free people, writes Jay Nordlinger in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The new anti-Catholicism is a panoply of leftwing social and lifestyle movements—from radical feminists, to militant gay organizations, to extremist historians of the Holocaust—who use the old prejudice to gain sympathy for various leftist agendas, writes Robert Royal in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
How did a sheltered Catholic girl from an unexceptional family come to write stories that could shock men like Evelyn Waugh and T.S. Eliot, asks Scott Walter in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Continually recreating himself, John Paul Jones was both pirate and patriot, writes Scott H. Wolland in the Spring 2004 issue of the
Is there not a case for describing the founders'
fundamental political theory not in terms of the
social compact but in terms of natural moral law,
natural rights, or natural equality and liberty, asks John Zvesper in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Far from helping to resuscitate the idea of an unchanging moral law grounded in nature, Darwin's theory makes it even harder to argue for natural distinctions between virtue and vice, writes John G. West in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
To assess the legacy of W.E.B. Du Bois, one must try to understand how Du Bois combined what look today like irreconcilable ideas and tendencies, writes Jonathan Marks in the Spring 2004 Claremont Review of Books
What is wrong with today's marriage market? Instead of more tedious academic inquiry, women could use a dose of common sense, writes Naomi Schaefer in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Was James Madison the most brilliant of founding fathers, asks Colleen A. Sheehan in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
There is a certain timeliness to the story of building a stable democratic nation on the ruins of a defeated and debunked tyranny, writes Elizabeth Edwards Spalding in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
John B. Kienker offers an abridged version of the second Bush-Kerry presidential debate.
Quantitative empirical research can tell us about the economic interests of slavery, but not its morality, writes Harry V. Jaffa in the Spring 2004 Claremont Review of Books
Often viewed with suspicion by conservatives, Darwinian biology actually supports the conservative view of society, writes Larry Arnhart in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Phyllis Schlafly declared feminism in extremis
over 20 years ago, and the past two decades have borne her out, writes Sarah Bramwell in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
In wine, there is truth. Why would you drown the truth? A moral defense of the fruit of the vine, from Benjamin Franklin.
The moral burden of our consumer society is not so much upon the really affluent as on those who aspire to the trappings of affluence and cannot quite afford them, writes Howard F. Ahmanson.
There is something backwards about a conservative judge criticizing the Rehnquist Court's recent federalism decisions, writes John C. Eastman in the Spring 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Morally serious people will be grateful to have William Kristol's and Eric Cohen's masterful collection The Future is Now
on hand as America faces the challenges of biotechnology, writes Glenn Ellmers in the Spring 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Why is the United States drifting toward a post-marriage society like Sweden, asks F. Carolyn Graglia in the Spring 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
If there is no "right" answer about how far the founding generation would have permitted government to go in assisting religion, there is indisputably a wrong one: the radical divorce of church from state that the Court has decreed since 1947, writes James H. Hutson in the Spring 2003 Claremont Review of Books
In the New Killing Fields
, a host of prominent journalists, activists, and academics argue that something must be done to stem the tide of genocide, mass murder, and ethnic cleansing that has swept the post-Cold War world, writes S. Paul Kapur in the Spring 2003 Claremont Review of Books
Richard Rorty claims to love America with the intensity of a redblooded chauvinist, but it is not the America of the founding or of Abraham Lincoln, writes Peter Augstine Lawler
Benjamin Wittes's book attempts an "impartial" examination of Kenneth Starr's term as Independent Counsel, but is a disappointing reminder of a disappointing time, writes Mark R. Levin the Spring 2003 Claremont Review of Books
In judicial terms, religious "tolerance" means that judges have "a nonabsolute duty" to accommodate religion whenever possible. But a "nonabsolute duty" is no duty at all, writes V. Phillip MuÃ±oz in the Spring 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The vast majority of political scientists align themselves with liberal causes and the Democratic Party, but beyond this surface unity, the discipline is adrift, writes Larry Peterman in the Spring 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Two recent books about John Dewey and his thought demonstrate the resilience, prominence, and breadth of Dewey's ideas. At the same time, both authors incorporate certain Deweyan weaknesses into their work, both in style and substance, writes Henry T. Edmondson III.
The lives of Reagan and Churchill offer a profound lesson in the meaning of political wisdom, writes Spencer Warren.
Something can and must be done about terror, beginning with its proper identification as to its source and cause. This "doing something" requires that potential threats be stopped where they are by armed force acting justly, writes Fr. James Schall.
In his latest book, Pat Buchanan may approach eloquence, but he is preaching a doctrine that his party, and the nation, will not accept, writes Brian E. Birdnow.
John B. Kienker offers an abridged version of the first Bush-Kerry presidential debate.
In a day when American exceptionalism is decried, it seems inconceivable that the keenest theological minds this land has yet produced may have shared with so many of their compatriots a deep and heartfelt faith in America, writes Christopher D. Levenick in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
not the prancing pinstriped political operativeis the defining image of the post-9/11 era, writes Brian Janiskee.
On November 2, Californians will be asked to vote on Proposition 66, a measure that would seriously weaken the Golden State's highly effective Three Strikes law. Fellows Edward J. Erler and Brian P. Janiskee make the case for three-strikes in a new paper, available now for download.
What should the U.S. do now? Shut down al-Jazeera
, control the oil fields, and kill terrorist regimes for starters, writes Angelo M. Codevilla in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The United States must make up its mind and answer the simple question: are we at war, or are we not? If the answer is yes, then major revisions and initiatives are needed soon, writes Mark Helprin in the Fall 2004 Claremont Review of Books
Karl Rove may eventually be credited with a principal role in helping George W. Bush be elected president, and perhaps even with enabling Bush to create an enduring Republican electoral hegemony. But those advances may come at a high price, writes Richard D. Ferrier.
The question is not whether Muslims in the West are willing to accept and teach the duties of toleration, but whether the West itself still understands and has the will to defend its own principles, writes David Foster.
A great deal of the current talk about an emerging American "empire" is simply lacking in elementary perspective, writes Carnes Lord in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The Patriot Act is not only commonsensical, but long overdue given the warnings we had for years before 9/11, argues Washington Fellow William J. Bennett.
Now that John Kerry has lost his lead and the power of his biography has been undercut, it is not clear where he goes from here if he wants to win, writes Andrew E. Busch
However unengaged he was as young man, President Bush has come to regard the remoralization of American life and foreign policy as his duty to the country, to the presidential office, and to his faith, writes Joseph M. Knippenberg in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The American Political Science Association marks its 100th annual meeting this fall. This gathering is more important than it sounds. If ideas have consequences, so alas do idea-mongers and their conventions, writes Elihu Grant in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Films, at their best, are uniquely suited by the vividness of their medium to give voice to the mystic chords of our nation's experience of World War IIespecially the unimaginable ordeals endured by average men and boys, and the valor that so many found inside their souls when put to the test, writes Spencer Warren.
What can a poem about the founding of Rome teach Americans about their own country? John Alvis explores the question in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
For all his faults, an argument can still be made that no one of his generation was a more effective, influential foe of slavery than Thomas Jefferson, writes Lance Banning in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Americans are an optimistic people, perhaps sometimes naÃ¯vely so. That optimism sets us apart from much of the world, fuels our entrepreneurial spirit, encourages immigrants seeking a better life, and inspires us to encourage democracy around the globe, writes Vincent J. Cannato in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Tom Holland's popular history of the fall of the Roman Republic offers not only a gripping account of the Roman past, but an important perspective on the current American moment, writes Ronald Cluett in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
President Bush must wage war with new vigor, larger forces, and a farseeing strategy for victory, writes Charles R. Kelser in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Conservatives used to hate the New Deal. On the whole, today's conservatives accommodate quite well to New Deal-style policies. Gregory Schneider explores what happened in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
No doubt those who believe that more derring-do is necessary will be impatient with talk of bureaucracy. But starting with the bureaucratic issues does not mean that we will never get to the derring-do, writes David Tucker in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
America's Great Depression was largely self-inflicted. Gene Smiley brilliantly describes this tragedy and its long-term consequences, writes Richard Vedder in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
In the vast sea of Lincoln books—an estimated 17,000 have been published—Mario Cuomo's sinks straight to the bottom, weighted with repetition, contradiction, and insipidity, writes Thomas L. Krannawitter in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Reagan's extraordinary political character rested on his self-education to a much larger extent than anyone has hitherto noted, writes Steven F. Hayward in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Despite mountains of new evidence, many historians still blame the Cold war on the United States, writes Donald T. Critchlow in the Fall 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Carefully studied, the McKinley and the Bush Administrations shatter the stereotypes of American conservatism. If Bush wins reelection in November, he will have taken his next step toward realizing Karl Rove's dream of a new McKinley. As for McKinley himself, his reputation will continue to rise, writes Stephen K. Tootle in the Summer 2004 Claremont Review of Books
John Hinderaker and Scott Johnson defend their argument that the "John Kerry in Cambodia" fable has little if no foundation.
Woodrow Wilson was one of the first American statesmen to criticize the American Founding in general, and the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution in particular. This critique was a necessary part of the Progressive movement's aim to enlarge vastly the scope of the national government. This aim was achieved in the 20th century, and it is this achievement that defines American politics over the last seventy years, writes Ronald J. Pestritto in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
When it comes to scrutiny of Senator Kerry's veracity, the mainstream media are saluting, but they are decidedly not
reporting for duty, write John Hinderaker and Scott Johnson.
Hillary Clinton's "vast right-wing conspiracy" seems to have undergone a metamorphosis into a vast Straussian conspiracy, judging from the outpouring of articles, letters, and radio and television interviews denouncing President Bush's foreign policy as a war-crazed Straussian neo-con plot. Shame on those who besmirch the name of this great man, writes Harry V. Jaffa.
It took 25 years before Lewis Powell's diversity doctrine commanded a majority in the Supreme Court, but it took 25 minutes for government- and university-based educrats to embrace the diversity rationale for affirmative action, writes William Voegeli.
The court party in contemporary America has altogether lost faith in the framers' system of structural protections for individual and minority rights, and has opted for an aristocracy of the robe, separate from society, writes Richard E. Morgan in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
The recent remake of The Manchurian Candidate
cannot hold a candle to the 1962 anti-communist classic, and a contrast with the original reveals the Left's degraded view of America, notes Spencer Warren.
Did the Democrats' scripted convention work? John J. Pitney, Jr. finds hope for Republicans.
Kerry's campaign clearly hopes that his service in Vietnam will insulate him from criticism on issues of defense and foreign affairs. But constant invocation of his military service and shouting "bring it on" are not the same thing as having a national security policy. What does John Kerry actually believe, asks Colin Dueck in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
Two popular books show how overwrought and polarized is the current debate over U.S. strategy, writes Gerard Alexander in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
It must be almost impossible for any mere mortal to begin with nothing and make billions upon billions of dollars without coming to believe himself not only clever, which he surely must be, but also very wise, writes Midge Decter in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
He was a filial son, a loyal sibling, a reliable friend, a brave and conscientious patriot, and a loving father. And yes, yes!—William Butler Yeats was the greatest poet of the 20th century, writes John Derbyshire in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Is the sun finally beginning to set on the excesses of trial lawyers? If developments in state legislatures are any indication, the answer may be yes, writes Lincoln Fellow John Meroney.
The debate over Ronald Reagan's legacy continues, not only between Reagan's friends and foes but between serious and frivolous scholarship, writes Andrew E. Busch in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
If it is a truism that every age remakes Shakespeare in its own image, then Michael Wood's Shakespeare
is a sad commentary on our age, writes Paul A. Cantor in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Will a President Kerry show a greater capacity to resist intimidation in the international arena than candidate Kerry has shown in the domestic one? David Schaefer has some doubts.
Among the remarkable virtues of this book is the way Ross Sandler and David Schoenbrod describe an outrage without using shrill rhetoric; they calmly seek a golden mean in which rights are taken seriously in courts of law, while public policy is made democratically, writes Matthew J. Franck in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The President's Council on Bioethics has produced a report and a collection of readings that pose hard questions, prompt further investigation, and, most importantly, encourage the kind of patient moral reflection we need to engage in if we are going to use our new scientific and technical powers to promote human flourishing rather than undermine it, writes Christine Rosen in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
The sort of choice "Spider-Man 2" proposes is a false one—between being a god and being a sort of last man. That is no choice at all but a demoralizing delusion, writes Ken Masugi.
Joseph Fornieri shows that Lincoln not only refuted the Southerners' interpretation of the Bible on biblical, theological, and political grounds, but that his own views rested upon a superior understanding of the Bible and of politics, writes Glen E. Thurow in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books.
General Washington's often-denigrated abilities as a strategist were certainly one of the most important factors in winning American independence, writes Mackubin T. Owens in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
He destroyed 10 million human beings, set back the cause of political liberty in Europe, gave political philosophy a bad name, made conservatism reactionary, and boosted the world's already strong propensity to equate might with right. What is there to set against this enormous debit? Not a lot, writes John Zvesper in the Summer 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The self-evident truth "that all men are created equal" is the central idea of the American political experiment from which all other ideas radiate, writes Christopher Flannery.
Never before — or since — has political genius burst in such profusion on the human scene, as in America during the latter part of the 18th century, writes Distinguished Fellow Harry V. Jaffa.
In the course of a single decade, Ronald Reagan sobered up millions of men and women who had been ideologically intoxicated, writes Charles R. Kesler in the Summer issue of the Claremont Review of Books
It should be something of a national scandal that the once justly decried doctrine of separate-but-equal has made its way back to respectability, but the new orthodoxy among liberal constitutionalists argues that adherence to the idea of a colorblind Constitution was a mistake, writes Edward J. Erler in the Summer 2004 Claremont Review of Books.
Precisely because it honored the form and structure of the traditional Constitution, Justice Robert Jackson's unpublished memorandum provided a more persuasive rationale than anything offered by the Brown
opinion, writes Michael M. Uhlmann in the Summer 2004 Claremont Review of Books
Beginning in 1996, we have gathered the rising stars of the conservative movement every other summer for a week-long, intensive seminar in politics: the Abraham Lincoln Fellowship program. Our purpose is to teach them how to be "able and orthodox" teachers. This year's fellows are. .
Claremont Institute Fellows Brian Janiskee and Ken Masugi each reflect upon their visit to see the late President Reagan.
Claremont Institute Fellow Dan Palm and Vice President Tom Krannawitter reflect upon the ACLU's most recent assault, against the L.A. County seal, which bears a cross.
Bill Bennett, Claremont Institute Washington Fellow, notes that for Ronald Reagan, there was always hope: it was always "Morning in America."
Two recent histories vindicate Ronald Reagan's essential role in winning the Cold War. Steven Hayward reviewed them in the Winter 2002 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
It is extraordinary that Ronald Reagan not only insisted on regularly reading a large sample of mail sent to the White House, but that he spent hundreds of hours writing replies to ordinary and distinguished citizens alike, writes Steven F. Hayward in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
To know the story of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, signed 150 years ago on May 30, is to better understand the problem of race in America and the difficult struggle for equal civil rights, writes Thomas Krannawitter.
As a reference source, Mona Charen's book will be absolutely invaluable to scholars for generations to come. For the rest of us, it provides a sharp reminder of just how stubbornly many liberals resisted this country's efforts to contain, and ultimately defeat, the deadly threat of international Communism, writes William A. Rusher in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Washington Fellow William J. Bennett takes Osama bin Laden at his word: You show people a strong horse, and you show them a weak horse, and they will pick the strong horse every timeif they can still pick at all.
In a refreshingly anachronistic manner, William Howard Taft's Our Chief Magistrate and His Powers
refers routinely to the formal powers and duties of the president, taking the reader back to an era in academic discourse before the proliferation of studies of presidential attributes, personality or leadership styles, media strategies, organizational constructs, and "the permanent campaign," writes Lance Robinson in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Speaking with the father of U.S. Army Engineer Brian Wood, Claremont Institute Fellow Julie Ponzi was reminded not only of the things the young soldier had to sacrifice in order to protect liberty but of what America is sacrificing when we lose men like him.
Pitzer College's honor of former Weather Underground terrorist Bernardine Dohrn points the way to absolving alleged hate-crime hoaxer Kerri Dunn in the future, writes Ami Naramor.
The controversy over John Kerry and his medals is, of course, really about John Kerry and his morals, writes Claremont Institute Fellow William Voegeli.
As modern philosophy attempted to liberate itself from God and reason, modern music attempted to liberate itself from the musical logos
, from tonality—from beauty itself, writes Christopher Flannery in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
If John Locke's teaching is as radical as Michael Zuckert says it is, then perhaps the historicism and liberalism of our time grew out of the founding principles, as natural consequences of Locke's doctrine of self-ownership and willful conquest of nature. But if I am right about the real roots of Locke's moral philosophy, then the founding is built on much the same sound philosophical ground that one finds in the great tradition going back to Socrates, writes Thomas G. West.
The spread of democracy is not a badge of imperialism; it is the one true guarantor of peace and sovereigntya lesson that Americans taught the world just over 200 years ago, writes Seth Leibsohn.
The America of the World War II generation had more in common with America's Founders than with many (but by no means all) of today's younger generation. No movie embodies this truth more than "Sergeant York," writes Spencer Warren.
We are, as everyone knows, living in a "gay moment." One of the consequences is that we have to put up with a great deal of homosexualist propaganda, writes John Derbyshire in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
What precisely did Stanley P. Hirshson's undeniably prodigious research of some twelve years (presented without a bibliography) uncover that would radically alter our appraisal of Patton and thus justify this new 826-page investigation? With all due deference to the historian's years in the library, not much, writes Victor Davis Hanson in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Today we find our intellectual leadership still dominated by the Progressive rejection of the founding principles. The good news is that we also live in a time of intellectual confusion and ferment, writes Glen E. Thurow in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
David Bevington's Complete Works of Shakespeare
has come to reflect the universities it serves, where young students pay small fortunes to be taught that there is no enduring meaning or beauty to be found in the poetry of Shakespeare, no tradition worth preserving, no "truth" other than personal whim and innovative foolery, writes David Allen White in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
A myth about conservatism is circulating in academia and journalism and has spread to the 2004 presidential campaign: the Republican Party assembled a national majority by winning over Southern white voters; Southern white voters are racist; therefore, the GOP is racist. Nonsense, writes Gerard Alexander in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Until the day comes when skin color is no longer viewed as a person's defining feature, racists will find support for their mistaken ideology in policies that make skin color a paramount human feature, writes Conor Friedersdorf.
During his quixotic senatorial campaign, Blair Hull tried to argue that his wealth was a political virtue, securing his independence from the "special interests." But the problem with the brave politicians who boast how they don't owe anybody anything, writes William Voegeli, is that nobody owes them anything, either.
If we refuse our individual and corporate responsibility to be censurers, we cannot be surprised when we hear a call from censors, writes Washington Fellow William J. Bennett.
There are fewer "right men" around these days—in part because women have compromised their natural modesty and the inmost promptings of their hearts. Though women can command higher salaries, they have ceased to be able to command men, writes Terrence O. Moore in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Michael Zuckert's Launching Liberalism
, containing chapters published over a period of twenty-five years, has much to be praised, writes Thomas G. West in the Spring 2004 Claremont Review of Books.
The "constitutional space" America's Founders set up between the people and the government was meant to let lawmakers pursue beneficial but unpopular policies. Today that constitutional space has been greatly reduced, writes William Voegeli.
Common sense and empirical research tell us that teacher quality is one of the most important factors affecting student achievement. But what makes for good teachers and good teaching? Two books, both by Los Angeles-based teachers, attempt to address these difficult questions, writes Lance T. Izumi in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Laura Ingraham is fed up with hearing Barbra Streisand, Alec Baldwin, Janeane Garafolo, Martin Sheen, and many more, holding forth on politics as if they knew what they were talking about. She would rather they stick to their day-jobs, writes John B. Kienker is the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Once, it was taken for granted that men and women know the difference between good and evil, that there is a difference to know. Unsurprisingly, when that common knowledge was rejected, theories tended to insist that there was nothing to know
about good and evil, writes Ralph McInerny in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
No sentence better describes Jacques Steinberg's The Gatekeepers
than the opening one: "Colleges make their admissions decisions behind a cordon of security befitting the selection of a pope." That sentiment reveals all that one needs to know about the admissions process of any public or private institution of higher education in America, writes Ward Connerly in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
The single most important issue of our day is fighting terrorists and defeating the threats and acts of terrorism. And on this question, the Democratic Party cannot speak coherently, Washington Fellow William J. Bennett writes in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
It is a novel experience for me to be the talk of the town on the Pacific shore for a lecture held on the Atlantic seaboard. The feeling is not as exhilarating as you might expect, writes Pierre Manent in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
A Moral Enterprise: Politics, Reason, and the Common Good
is an admirable Festschrift
to Fr. Francis Canavan, professor emeritus at Fordham University and one of the wisest students of liberalism and its discontents, writes Michael M. Uhlmann in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
In reflecting on the 16 essays presented in John Hittinger's Liberty, Wisdom, and Grace
, one can see the outlines of a Thomism for the democratic age that combines the metaphysics of original Thomism in its articulation of the hierarchy of being with the politics of neo-Thomism in its respect for democratic freedom, writes Robert Kraynak in the Spring 2004 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
For the philosophic minded fellow who also happens to be a baseball connoisseur, there is playing in the abstract field of ideas the perfect ideal baseball team, writes Claremont Institute Vice President Thomas Krannawitter.
For all the rights enshrined in Iraq's new constitution, the right to self-defense is explicitly forbidden, reports David Prizio.
Claremont Institute Fellow John Grant reminds us why our founding principles require us to defend against ballistic missile attack.
After decades of intoning the lessons of Vietnam, John Kerry's moment may have arrived, just when we need a war president who will insist on nothing short of victory, writes Charles R. Kesler in the forthcoming issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Abraham Lincoln took an immense gamble by issuing the Emancipation Proclamation. Those who argue that Lincoln was only "waiting for the right time" to issue the Proclamation must confront the fact the Republicans paid an enormous political price, writes Mackubin T. Owens in a review of Allen Guelzo's new book.
Mel Gibson has filmed a religious experience that is deeply moving to millions of souls. He has done this as a challenge to the secularists who are at war against our civilization, writes Spencer Warren.
"If the presence of a Scalia, for one lecture, was not legitimate, it did not require high powers of inference to draw out the implications: it would be quite as illegitimate for someone sharing Scalia's perspectives to be speaking day in and day out as a member of the faculty," writes Hadley Arkes.
One of the biggest gaps in public opinion surveys is the advantage Republicans have over Democrats on the question of who can keep the country strong. Only if people come to believe that being strong is nice but not urgent, as they did in 1992, will Bush join his father as a one-term president, writes William Voegeli.
A great many people who are considering substantial charitable gifts have given little or no thought to enforcing their wishes, especially beyond thier own lifetimes. They are genuinely shocked to learn how the wishes and interests of major philanthropists have been disregarded by those now in charge of the foundations they created. Distinguished Fellow William Rusher explains how donors can ensure their intent is honored.
The day after Justice Antonin Scalia's visit, Amherst College's left-wing faculty and students finally said explicitly what campus conservatives have known for a long time. Dissent is legitimate, so long as it comes from the left. So much for liberal education, reports Ethan Davis.
"Casablanca," probably the best known of all vintage movies, is a perfect choice for Valentine's Day. But for the many readers who know that film inside out, Spencer Warren suggests some lesser-known gems to brighten your holiday.
George Packer wants liberals to return to the muscular internationalism of the early days of the Cold War. But this is the posture that liberals not only abandoned but vilified after Vietnam, writes William Voegeli.
Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia will speak at Amherst College today, and his reception won't be a merry one, writes Ethan Davis.
Can there be another Winston Churchill, asks Harry V. Jaffa.
Our task today is to recover the cause of constitutionalism. In doing so, the recovery of a proper understanding and respect for free speech must be a high priority, writes Senior Fellow Thomas G. West.
In an age of cinematic extravagance, "The Lord of the Rings" was worth every penny. That's especially true if the Trilogy contributes to Tolkien's real
dreamthe preservation of our way of life, writes Henry T. Edmondson.
Alexander Hamilton—surely no utopian—was not being unreasonable when he suggested that "reflection and choice" might prove to be at least as important as "accident and force" in the American founding, writes John Zvesper in the Winter issue of the Claremont Review of Books
Pay no heed to the shrill cries of the Democrats in Sacramento as they react to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's budget. Kindly ignore the lamentations of bureaucrats up and down the Golden State. The budget isn't as cruel as the governor's critics want you to believe. It isn't very conservative, either, writes Brian Janiskee.
Weatherman-in-retirement William Ayers was irritated when reporters called him after September 11 to ask questions about terrorism, fanatics, living underground in America, and acquiring false identification. "I don't possess any particular insight into any of those matters," Ayers said.
But that's is not true, as anyone can tell from reading Ayer's book, writes Christopher C. Harmon.
What is it that new immigrants ought to know about being an American citizen? Thomas Krannawitter explains in this short primer.
Attention Rush Limbaugh listeners:
Extremes seem to predominate among today's young males. One extreme suffers from an excess of misdirected and unrefined energies. The other suffers from a total want of manly spirit. Terrence O. Moore explains the crisis of "Wimps and Barbarians" in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books
In exonerating socialism for its ghastly failures and awarding it a moral superiority to all other forms of political organization, left-wing writer James Weinstein hopes to resurrect his god that failed. But it will do no good, writes Arnold Beichman in the Winter 2003 issue of the Claremont Review of Books